The beauty of Guatemala by Tarun Gudz

Dear Loved One,

What can one say to describe what it is like to live and work in Guatemala? Every walk is a new adventure, each day brings new challenges, and each person has something to teach. As some already know, I have been working in a volunteer capacity with an organization here since the 20^th of June. I work as an International Accompanier, and although my ‘home base’ is our office in the Capital, I have been assigned to a regional team working in the Western part of the Country, along the Mexican border.

The NGO that I work for is the US branch of a collective of organizations called ACOGUATE- formed of 11 Committees, from 10 countries. Accompaniment, particularly in an International form, is a tool used in countries struggling with human rights violations and political violence directed at human rights defenders. Guatemala certainly fits this description, as it frequently cited as one of the most dangerous countries in Latin America, with a murder rate of about 45 per 100,000. The story untold in this statistic, and ignored by most press, is the disproportionate amount of this violence that is directed at women, indigenous peoples, artists… and anyone involved in forms of resistance; as well as the impunity that allows this violence to thrive. An International Accompanier is someone who ‘walks alongside’ the national leaders who face these threats of violence, and yet stand up and carry on their work in a peaceful way.

In my region, the cases we accompany vary greatly, and I will go into depth with as many as I am able. This letter is the first of a series in which I will attempt to convey that which I am observing, learning, and participating here in Guatemala. Just as my commitment began with your support to make it possible, my work will not end in Guatemala, rather continue through the divulgation of information that our media does not provide. Accompaniers are also given the charge of making sure that the human rights defenders are not invisible; that their struggles not go unheard. During the extent of my time here, I will work hard to develop a deeper understanding of Guatemalan “coyentura”, and likewise will share that with you all through these letters. I am also open and happy to answer questions, and greatly look forward to continuing the discussions once I am back in the States.

My region spans two Departments; Huehuetenango (Huehue) and San Marcos. I work closely with speakers of two distinct Mayan dialects; Mam and Chuj. The region is mountainous, green and beautiful. Many of the rural areas we work in are considered “tierra fria” (cold lands), at a high elevation and often blanketed by thick fog in the afternoons and evenings. While we only visit one community regularly, we work with a total of three that have been affected by genocide during the time of the Internal Armed Conflict (1960-96). Some of these communities are quite rural, and the women in particularly speak little to no Spanish. Others are fluent in Spanish, because they are “returned” refugee communities, which sought refuge across the border in Mexico during the worst of the violence. We accompany these communities because they have entered into the difficult, dangerous fight for justice. They elect representatives from each community to the Association for Justice and Reconciliation (AJR), and these representatives travel up to fourteen hours to arrive in the Capital for meetings, court hearings, and political activities. Their dedication and dignity are inspiring, and we accompany them each time they go to the Capital because of the threats they receive as an organization, and as individuals, for their unwillingness to forget.

Accompanying members of the AJR, I was incredibly honored last month to attend the sentencing of four specially trained ex-military for the Dos Erres massacre. Something I will forever look back on as one of the most emotionally charged moments of my life, I watched the survivors around me as they listened to the judge brave enough to sentence each of these men to 30 years for each victim they had raped, mutilated, and eventually murdered. For 201 dead, the men received 6,030 years each. For crimes against humanity, they received an additional 30 years, and the ranking officer an additional 6. As I mentioned, impunity is rampant in Guatemala, and this case is only the second out of over 669 massacres to be brought to trial. The 36-year Civil War (euphemistically referred to as an Internal Armed Conflict) claimed over 200,000 lives, 83% of which were indigenous Mayans, and 95% of the murders were committed by government forces (UN Truth Commission on Guatemala, 1996). For Guatemalans seeking justice, the Dos Erres decision was among the first to hold ex-military (rather than paramilitaries) responsible and a carried a message with the strict sentencing that Guatemalan courts are taking steps to combat impunity.

The case put Guatemala into an international spotlight and threw a surge of hope into a country that has been teetering on a “failed state” status, wracked by drug/gang violence, and from desperation is on the verge of electing a right-wing ex military president (himself implicated in massacres). It’s a brave step for Guatemala, though many claim that the rapid movement in this and other human rights centered cases has purely political motivations. The current President, Colom, has interests against the election of former General Otto Perez Molina as President. Therefore, the sudden, surprising push by the Colom administration in these cases is seen as an obvious attempt to turn the tide against the right-wing candidate. It is important to note that these processes are over ten years in the making, and what the media doesn’t cover is the toil and sheer determination of the many that have demanded justice in the cases. While we are enjoying the sudden progress, Molina has just won the first round of Presidential elections, and should he win the second we can expect the trials for crimes of war to once again come to a screeching halt.

While Dos Erres was big news, 30 years for Crimes Against Humanity is a far cry from the Genocide charge that many would like to see tried. Fortunately, there is another, similarly groundbreaking case riding on the momentum of Dos Erres: Héctor Mario López Fuentes, a former General was arrested June 17^th and begins trial this month. His case is even bigger news for many reasons; he was one of the High Command, and thus is the first big fish to hook. He is also being tried as the intellectual author, as opposed to the soldier who followed orders. Accordingly, he is facing charges of genocide- this will be not only the first time genocide has been brought to trial in Guatemala, but the first case in the world in which a country has tried it on its own soil. There is much analysis on why genocide is such a difficult crime to try. It is shied from by courts and attorneys alike for the strictness of the definition, in which systematic ethnic cleansing (“racial hatred”) must be proved. Even more telling, the charge of Genocide carries with it a specific requirement for nations to intervene. While the fact that these cases are being tried in Guatemalan courts is proof that the judiciary has come a long way in gaining autonomy, few nations could boast an independent and stable enough government to survive such a self-critical process. We will continue to accompany in this important case, and I will update you all soon on its progress.

The remainder of the cases we accompany in Huehue/San Marcos are organizations, and sometimes individual people. Particularly in this part of the country, one of the main struggles is around land sovereignty. Hydroelectric projects, precious metal mining, oil pipelines, and mega-highways to transport the loot are all examples that plunge rural indigenous communities into a fight for their lives against the giants of transnational corporations, and the Guatemalan government that always seems to back them. One of the areas with the most tension that we visit is the Marlin Mine, a gold and precious metals mine of Canadian-owned Goldcorp. Marlin is Goldcorp’s second-largest holding, has been in operation since 2005. It operates using a combination of open-pit and underground mining techniques; open-pit methods are infamous for using cyanide-leaching into ground water and creating landslides. One of the first grievances against Gold Corp is the lack of environmental, human, or other impact studies into the area before beginning operations. This violates the human rights of indigenous peoples under International Law, and has made proof of damage done by the mine next to impossible. The communities lack in funding and the tools necessary to conduct such studies, and the strategy used by the company is that of propaganda and division among community members. So far this strategy has had measured success, as much of the arguing, name-calling, and violence has been carried out among locals, spurred on by the corporation.

ACOGUATE has been accompanying several organizations in the communities around the mine since 2007. Currently we divide our time between the office of an organization/community radio, located in a community closest to the mine, and the Catholic Parish, located in the town of San Miguel. We document threats and incidents occurring in the area that seem to be politically motivated, work to help disseminate information and reports, and attempt to provide moral support for human rights defenders living in a very stressful situation. Our team periodically evaluates the current political situation, and our own security.

In recent years, local and national organizations have looked to international sources to help negotiate the hold that Goldcorp has on the Guatemalan Government. Several reports and documentaries have come out, helping to give scientific weight to the damage done by the mine on the surrounding communities, publicize the unheard stories of the citizens, and call for action by the government. At least two of these reports, published in spring of 2010 by the International Labor Organization (ILO) of the United Nations, and by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, an independent body of the Organization of American States (OAS), have called for immediate suspension of mining activities until the effects can be further studied. Accordingly, in June 2010, Guatemalan President Colom announced that the administrative process to suspend the mine would begin. In April of this year, out of frustration that nothing had been done, residents set up a blockade for vehicles servicing the mine. The event ended with violence against local protestors, and in the months since there have been a variety of incidences of threats and actual violence against those that participated. The Guatemalan government recently announced its decision not to comply with the Inter-American Commission’s order to suspend mining activities.

I feel like this is a lot of information already, but there is so much to convey! I offer my sincere apologies for being behind on my communication, I will be happy to respond to questions or comments, and will work hard on getting a second letter out very soon. In my next letter I will go further in-depth on some of our other cases, update on the Lopez-Fuentes case, and provide more electoral analysis in the region. Again, these letters are meant to come in a series, so that I am able to cover the many aspects of the work, as well as update on events as they happen. Thus, I like the idea of them being more an interactive discussion than a monologue. The support that you all provide, moral and otherwise, is what makes this work happen- on a personal and organizational level, and we really appreciate it! Thank you so much for reading, I look forward to continuing the discussion!

In solidarity,

Tarun

Click here:  Guatemalan Mining Delegation to watch a video about DJPC’s Guatemalan Mining Delegation in 2011.

Click here for application: Mining delegation application

In Guatemala, hundreds of mining concessions have been granted to transnational gold, silver, nickel, and zinc companies, threatening the social and environmental health of rural populations. Delegation participants will visit the municipalities of Sipakapa and San Miguel Ixtahuacan in the department of San Marcos as well as El Estor in the department of Izabal to experience firsthand the impact of mining on these indigenous communities.

“Traveling teaches us to commit, to take on the problems of others as if they were our own, because they are our own.”—Luis Sepulveda

“The crops were much better before,” says Crisanta holding up some of the corn her family harvested this year in San Miguel Ixtahuacan, Guatemala, “but since the mine came, they don’t come out the same anymore. They do not grow properly now. We haven’t had a good harvest for about three years. Even the crops that we do harvest, we cannot sell. As soon as people find out that we are from San Miguel, they don’t want to buy from us because they say it’s all contaminated.”

Indigenous communities all over Guatemala are organizing to save their land, water, and way of life. Participants in this delegation will explore ways to actively support these efforts after their return to the U.S.

To hear a video clip of Brad Lawton’s interview about the trip, given at the recent DJPC Awards Night ceremony, click here:  Brad Lawton on DJPC Mining Delegation

Dates:  February 12-22, 2011
Price: $1,100 plus airfare to Guatemala City
To get the application please contact Jane Covode, jcovode@ccentral.com or Kathryn Rodriguez, klrodriguez@comcast.net

Nueva Esperanza

Tesorito, or Tesoro Nueva Esperanza, is a small Community of Population in Resistance (CPR), outside the town of Patulul, in the Guatemalan department of Suchitepequez.  Many of these small CPRs emerged across the Highlands of Guatemala in response to the internal armed conflict of the 1980’s and 90’s.  CPRs are communities of internally displaced peoples who fled to the most remote, mountainous, regions of Guatemala in an effort to escape the violence and persecution they were subjected to during those years.

DJPC and CAMINOS, in coordination with St. Michael & All Angels Episcopal Church in Arizona, have been involved in health care and health promotion in this small community for nearly twenty years.  The Promesa project helps support the existing health clinic and local health workers in Tesorito by donating medicines, professional health services,  contributing to the salaries of local health promoters, and delegation trips to Tesorito.   The small clinic in Tesorito fills the large gap between the health needs of this community, and the services offered by the national Health Ministry.  The Health Ministry is either unable, or unwilling, to provide adequate health care for the remote CPRs.  The offered services are ineffective, too sporadic, too expensive, too far away, or all of the above.   Through the assistance of DJPC and St. Michael’s, the clinics at Tesorito can offer affordable medical treatment for a wide array of medical ailments.

Assisting with a health consultation.

In July 2009, two CAMINOS members traveled to Tesorito on the yearly Promesa Delegation with members from St. Michael.  Susan Cotton and Katy Troyer attended local meetings with Tesorito’s authorities, visited the dental andhealth clinic, assessed the need for further health care development, and assisted with over eighty health consultations over a day and a half.

Katy and Susan

The most significant concerns Susan and Katy observed during their delegation are eye care, medical-emergency transportation-funds, and the current use of the dental clinic.  There is a great need for eye consultations.  However the ophthalmology clinic is far, and expensive to use.  The second concern is the difficulty in seeking outside medical help for the people of Tesorito.  In addition to the high cost, there are significant linguistic and cultural barriers.  The third concern is the dental clinic.  The dental clinic was abandoned by the five trained dental assistants, and the clinic now stands abandoned. Tesorito, as with much of rural Guatemala, has a huge need for dental hygiene education and care.  In August, a dentist from Tucson saw seventy-seven patients and performed ten cleanings, forty-nine fillings, and ninety-one extractions (tooth-pullings) over the course of three days.

Despite these concerns, Susan and Katy witnessed a hopeful situation in Tesorito.  The long-standing trust between Tesorito, and St. Michael’s and CAMINOS continues to strengthen. The community has undergone significant infrastructural development, such as a new paved road, and a new school building.  The community is truly grateful for

Casa De Salud/ The Health Center

the health clinic, and the dedication of the local health promoters.   It appears the Promesa project is continuing to succeed, largely thanks to the support of St. Michael’s, DJPC/CAMINOS, and of course, the many local advocates, health promoters, authorities, and members of Tesoro Nueva Esperanza.

To view a Power Point presentation created by Susan and Katy about their trip to Tesorito, please follow this link:  Promesa Delegation Presentaion

In light of upcoming legislation for comprehensive Immigration Reform, here is DJPC’s official position on Immigration, written by our Advocacy & Nonviolent  Activism committee, and approved by DJPC’s Board of Directors:

DJPC’s Position on Immigration:

DJPC’s work for human rights, economic justice and lasting peace for Latin America affords a unique position from which to contribute to the current public policy debate on immigration.

DJPC concurs that a humane and just U.S. immigration policy must be adopted in the U.S., one that meets the needs of immigrants, communities and our economy.   It should respect international law and human rights–particularly the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state, provide a legal avenue for citizenship, afford the opportunity to obtain work without legal recrimination, support the lawfully authorized entry of those under duress or fleeing natural disaster, and enable family re-unification. These policy goals should be accomplished without militarization of the border, discrimination against or exploitation of immigrants whose lives have already been adversely affected by U.S. policies in their home countries.

DJPC believes, however, that this conundrum cannot reach successful resolution without first dealing with the root causes of the immigration surge and analyzing those areas in which U.S. policies act as catalysts for it. To this end, DJPC advocates foreign and trade policies that:

• Improve human rights and support civil society members at risk.

• Strengthen political and civil institutions and root out corruption and impunity.

• Create opportunities for people to remain in their home countries where they can be productive citizens and preserve family units and support systems.

• Minimize the gap between the rich and the poor, and achieve just livable wages for workers at home and abroad.

• Make education and health care more universally available.

• Defend against the trafficking of human beings, especially women and children, for the purpose of exploiting them economically or sexually.

• Reduce reliance and dependency on the U.S.

• Conduct negotiations in a transparent, inclusive and accountable manner.

• Prioritize funding for human development over military aid.

• Promote the needs of individual workers and small local businesses over those of transnational corporations.

• End exploitation of human and natural resources by the U.S. and other global powers.

• Provide strong and meaningful labor and environmental standards, and demand compliance.

• Reverse and reduce the concessioning and privatization of essential public services.

Additionally, DJPC extends this scrutiny to policies of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the World Trade Organization, and other financial bodies supported by the U.S.

DJPC works to establish equitable public policy through:

• Education: of our members, our communities, our Congressional delegation on the ways in which U.S. foreign and trade policies impact economically-motivated immigration.

• Solidarity: partnering with local and national groups and international movements to advocate for these policies. Reaching out to immigrant communities and bearing witness to the struggle of our immigrant neighbors.

• Nonviolent Activism: calling, writing, visiting and keeping the pressure on members of our Congressional delegation to enact just foreign and trade policies. Participating in rallies, press conferences, public meetings, and nonviolent protests.